Burma: Let's Take Action
Burma: Let's NOT Fear
Wednesday 30 June 2010
Tuesday 29 June 2010
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's Birthday
Burma: Myo Thein on Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's Birthday
Burma: Myo Thein on Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's Birthday
Burma: Myo Thein on Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's Birthday
Burma: Myo Thein on Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's Birthday
Burma: Myo Thein on Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's Birthday
Burma: Myo Thein on Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
The Burmese Elections: Prolonging the Misery and Postponing the Inevitable
Burma (aka Myanmar) is of the world's most brutal regimes and unfortunately, it is also amongst the least well understood. In terms of trade and communications, the country is as closed as North Korea and nearly as isolated as Afghanistan under Taliban rule. Its human rights abuses are widespread and increasing. The junta has one of the worst images in the world. It has very few friends and even it's powerful regional allies (China and India) keep a safe public distance so as not to catch any of the generals' political cooties.
Although the monk-led nonviolent Saffron Revolution, which hit a peak of public activity in the fall of 2007, has failed thus far to bring an end to the repression, the movement (which was a continuation of the student-led uprising from 1988) still persists. Brave activists risk their lives every day to move information in and out of the country, hoping to give global audiences a glimpse of the horrifying truth behind the veil.
The junta is holding elections sometime later in the year (best guesstimates are for October 10- which would make the date 10/10/10, a date consistent with the paranoid generals' fixation on numerology and superstition), but Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League for Democracy party, which won 81% of the seats in the 1990 parliamentary elections (before the junta declared the victory fraudulent), has been imprisoned or under house arrest for most of the past 22 years and has been banned by the junta from participating in the elections. In protest, the NLD has also withdrawn from the elections. Which means that the people will have very little means constructive means through which to channel their discontent and hope for a free and democratic Burma unless the pro-democracy movement can organize an opposition force within the next three months, a feat that would be daunting even in an open society that permitted freedom of speech, association and movement.
So the conventional wisdom is that the junta will "win" the election and that this will "reinforce their power." This is a dangerous presumption, based on a common and deeply-embedded misconception that violence equals power. The generals will probably win the election because they have beaten, killed, imprisoned and otherwise bullied their competition out of the running. And where the process is corrupted, the result can not be legitimate. So the election will not reinforce the junta's power. It will simply reinforce the lie that the junta has real power.
Political legitimacy can be understood as the situation where the regime still stands even when the threat of force is removed. If the junta in Burma allowed for a fair and competitive election, they would lose. Resoundingly. Which means that the election is nothing more than a farce, designed to placate the increasingly global community with a show of "legitimacy." Because these particular tyrants seem even more removed from reality than many of their counterparts around the world, it is likely that their margin of victory will be enormous (in a healthy democratic election, it is very unusual to get a margin of victory of more than 10 percentage points, and where the incumbent party gets more than 70% in a national election, more times than not it is an indicator of corruption or fraud.)
The purpose of a democratic election is to 1) ascertain the best social choice, and 2) bestow legitimacy on the legislative/executive authority. If the process is manipulated so that neither of these things can happen, the outcome is meaningless. Understanding this, it is disappointing to think that any legitimate media observers take this farce of an election to be anything but a pathetic demonstration to the world that the generals can still repress their own people with the worst of them.
With their brutality against Buddhist monks- the soul of Burma- the junta gave away their last bits of moral authority. And this farce election is evidence that their last shreds of political legitimacy have evaporated. The international community has an obligation, at the very least, to recognize this inevitable "victory" for what it is- the last gasp of a decaying system. Sadly, the generals have demonstrated that they do not intend to go down alone. They'll spread the misery as far and wide as possible. But each act of brutality girds the people's will to resist them, and while the junta may again stretch out their tenure, these elections should be viewed not as a beginning, but as the beginning of the end.
source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/cynthia-boaz/the-burmese-elections-pro_b_628705.html
Although the monk-led nonviolent Saffron Revolution, which hit a peak of public activity in the fall of 2007, has failed thus far to bring an end to the repression, the movement (which was a continuation of the student-led uprising from 1988) still persists. Brave activists risk their lives every day to move information in and out of the country, hoping to give global audiences a glimpse of the horrifying truth behind the veil.
The junta is holding elections sometime later in the year (best guesstimates are for October 10- which would make the date 10/10/10, a date consistent with the paranoid generals' fixation on numerology and superstition), but Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League for Democracy party, which won 81% of the seats in the 1990 parliamentary elections (before the junta declared the victory fraudulent), has been imprisoned or under house arrest for most of the past 22 years and has been banned by the junta from participating in the elections. In protest, the NLD has also withdrawn from the elections. Which means that the people will have very little means constructive means through which to channel their discontent and hope for a free and democratic Burma unless the pro-democracy movement can organize an opposition force within the next three months, a feat that would be daunting even in an open society that permitted freedom of speech, association and movement.
So the conventional wisdom is that the junta will "win" the election and that this will "reinforce their power." This is a dangerous presumption, based on a common and deeply-embedded misconception that violence equals power. The generals will probably win the election because they have beaten, killed, imprisoned and otherwise bullied their competition out of the running. And where the process is corrupted, the result can not be legitimate. So the election will not reinforce the junta's power. It will simply reinforce the lie that the junta has real power.
Political legitimacy can be understood as the situation where the regime still stands even when the threat of force is removed. If the junta in Burma allowed for a fair and competitive election, they would lose. Resoundingly. Which means that the election is nothing more than a farce, designed to placate the increasingly global community with a show of "legitimacy." Because these particular tyrants seem even more removed from reality than many of their counterparts around the world, it is likely that their margin of victory will be enormous (in a healthy democratic election, it is very unusual to get a margin of victory of more than 10 percentage points, and where the incumbent party gets more than 70% in a national election, more times than not it is an indicator of corruption or fraud.)
The purpose of a democratic election is to 1) ascertain the best social choice, and 2) bestow legitimacy on the legislative/executive authority. If the process is manipulated so that neither of these things can happen, the outcome is meaningless. Understanding this, it is disappointing to think that any legitimate media observers take this farce of an election to be anything but a pathetic demonstration to the world that the generals can still repress their own people with the worst of them.
With their brutality against Buddhist monks- the soul of Burma- the junta gave away their last bits of moral authority. And this farce election is evidence that their last shreds of political legitimacy have evaporated. The international community has an obligation, at the very least, to recognize this inevitable "victory" for what it is- the last gasp of a decaying system. Sadly, the generals have demonstrated that they do not intend to go down alone. They'll spread the misery as far and wide as possible. But each act of brutality girds the people's will to resist them, and while the junta may again stretch out their tenure, these elections should be viewed not as a beginning, but as the beginning of the end.
source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/cynthia-boaz/the-burmese-elections-pro_b_628705.html
The Burmese Elections: Prolonging the Misery and Postponing the Inevitable
Burma (aka Myanmar) is of the world's most brutal regimes and unfortunately, it is also amongst the least well understood. In terms of trade and communications, the country is as closed as North Korea and nearly as isolated as Afghanistan under Taliban rule. Its human rights abuses are widespread and increasing. The junta has one of the worst images in the world. It has very few friends and even it's powerful regional allies (China and India) keep a safe public distance so as not to catch any of the generals' political cooties.
Although the monk-led nonviolent Saffron Revolution, which hit a peak of public activity in the fall of 2007, has failed thus far to bring an end to the repression, the movement (which was a continuation of the student-led uprising from 1988) still persists. Brave activists risk their lives every day to move information in and out of the country, hoping to give global audiences a glimpse of the horrifying truth behind the veil.
The junta is holding elections sometime later in the year (best guesstimates are for October 10- which would make the date 10/10/10, a date consistent with the paranoid generals' fixation on numerology and superstition), but Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League for Democracy party, which won 81% of the seats in the 1990 parliamentary elections (before the junta declared the victory fraudulent), has been imprisoned or under house arrest for most of the past 22 years and has been banned by the junta from participating in the elections. In protest, the NLD has also withdrawn from the elections. Which means that the people will have very little means constructive means through which to channel their discontent and hope for a free and democratic Burma unless the pro-democracy movement can organize an opposition force within the next three months, a feat that would be daunting even in an open society that permitted freedom of speech, association and movement.
So the conventional wisdom is that the junta will "win" the election and that this will "reinforce their power." This is a dangerous presumption, based on a common and deeply-embedded misconception that violence equals power. The generals will probably win the election because they have beaten, killed, imprisoned and otherwise bullied their competition out of the running. And where the process is corrupted, the result can not be legitimate. So the election will not reinforce the junta's power. It will simply reinforce the lie that the junta has real power.
Political legitimacy can be understood as the situation where the regime still stands even when the threat of force is removed. If the junta in Burma allowed for a fair and competitive election, they would lose. Resoundingly. Which means that the election is nothing more than a farce, designed to placate the increasingly global community with a show of "legitimacy." Because these particular tyrants seem even more removed from reality than many of their counterparts around the world, it is likely that their margin of victory will be enormous (in a healthy democratic election, it is very unusual to get a margin of victory of more than 10 percentage points, and where the incumbent party gets more than 70% in a national election, more times than not it is an indicator of corruption or fraud.)
The purpose of a democratic election is to 1) ascertain the best social choice, and 2) bestow legitimacy on the legislative/executive authority. If the process is manipulated so that neither of these things can happen, the outcome is meaningless. Understanding this, it is disappointing to think that any legitimate media observers take this farce of an election to be anything but a pathetic demonstration to the world that the generals can still repress their own people with the worst of them.
With their brutality against Buddhist monks- the soul of Burma- the junta gave away their last bits of moral authority. And this farce election is evidence that their last shreds of political legitimacy have evaporated. The international community has an obligation, at the very least, to recognize this inevitable "victory" for what it is- the last gasp of a decaying system. Sadly, the generals have demonstrated that they do not intend to go down alone. They'll spread the misery as far and wide as possible. But each act of brutality girds the people's will to resist them, and while the junta may again stretch out their tenure, these elections should be viewed not as a beginning, but as the beginning of the end.
source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/cynthia-boaz/the-burmese-elections-pro_b_628705.html
Although the monk-led nonviolent Saffron Revolution, which hit a peak of public activity in the fall of 2007, has failed thus far to bring an end to the repression, the movement (which was a continuation of the student-led uprising from 1988) still persists. Brave activists risk their lives every day to move information in and out of the country, hoping to give global audiences a glimpse of the horrifying truth behind the veil.
The junta is holding elections sometime later in the year (best guesstimates are for October 10- which would make the date 10/10/10, a date consistent with the paranoid generals' fixation on numerology and superstition), but Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League for Democracy party, which won 81% of the seats in the 1990 parliamentary elections (before the junta declared the victory fraudulent), has been imprisoned or under house arrest for most of the past 22 years and has been banned by the junta from participating in the elections. In protest, the NLD has also withdrawn from the elections. Which means that the people will have very little means constructive means through which to channel their discontent and hope for a free and democratic Burma unless the pro-democracy movement can organize an opposition force within the next three months, a feat that would be daunting even in an open society that permitted freedom of speech, association and movement.
So the conventional wisdom is that the junta will "win" the election and that this will "reinforce their power." This is a dangerous presumption, based on a common and deeply-embedded misconception that violence equals power. The generals will probably win the election because they have beaten, killed, imprisoned and otherwise bullied their competition out of the running. And where the process is corrupted, the result can not be legitimate. So the election will not reinforce the junta's power. It will simply reinforce the lie that the junta has real power.
Political legitimacy can be understood as the situation where the regime still stands even when the threat of force is removed. If the junta in Burma allowed for a fair and competitive election, they would lose. Resoundingly. Which means that the election is nothing more than a farce, designed to placate the increasingly global community with a show of "legitimacy." Because these particular tyrants seem even more removed from reality than many of their counterparts around the world, it is likely that their margin of victory will be enormous (in a healthy democratic election, it is very unusual to get a margin of victory of more than 10 percentage points, and where the incumbent party gets more than 70% in a national election, more times than not it is an indicator of corruption or fraud.)
The purpose of a democratic election is to 1) ascertain the best social choice, and 2) bestow legitimacy on the legislative/executive authority. If the process is manipulated so that neither of these things can happen, the outcome is meaningless. Understanding this, it is disappointing to think that any legitimate media observers take this farce of an election to be anything but a pathetic demonstration to the world that the generals can still repress their own people with the worst of them.
With their brutality against Buddhist monks- the soul of Burma- the junta gave away their last bits of moral authority. And this farce election is evidence that their last shreds of political legitimacy have evaporated. The international community has an obligation, at the very least, to recognize this inevitable "victory" for what it is- the last gasp of a decaying system. Sadly, the generals have demonstrated that they do not intend to go down alone. They'll spread the misery as far and wide as possible. But each act of brutality girds the people's will to resist them, and while the junta may again stretch out their tenure, these elections should be viewed not as a beginning, but as the beginning of the end.
source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/cynthia-boaz/the-burmese-elections-pro_b_628705.html
The Burmese Elections: Prolonging the Misery and Postponing the Inevitable
Burma (aka Myanmar) is of the world's most brutal regimes and unfortunately, it is also amongst the least well understood. In terms of trade and communications, the country is as closed as North Korea and nearly as isolated as Afghanistan under Taliban rule. Its human rights abuses are widespread and increasing. The junta has one of the worst images in the world. It has very few friends and even it's powerful regional allies (China and India) keep a safe public distance so as not to catch any of the generals' political cooties.
Although the monk-led nonviolent Saffron Revolution, which hit a peak of public activity in the fall of 2007, has failed thus far to bring an end to the repression, the movement (which was a continuation of the student-led uprising from 1988) still persists. Brave activists risk their lives every day to move information in and out of the country, hoping to give global audiences a glimpse of the horrifying truth behind the veil.
The junta is holding elections sometime later in the year (best guesstimates are for October 10- which would make the date 10/10/10, a date consistent with the paranoid generals' fixation on numerology and superstition), but Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League for Democracy party, which won 81% of the seats in the 1990 parliamentary elections (before the junta declared the victory fraudulent), has been imprisoned or under house arrest for most of the past 22 years and has been banned by the junta from participating in the elections. In protest, the NLD has also withdrawn from the elections. Which means that the people will have very little means constructive means through which to channel their discontent and hope for a free and democratic Burma unless the pro-democracy movement can organize an opposition force within the next three months, a feat that would be daunting even in an open society that permitted freedom of speech, association and movement.
So the conventional wisdom is that the junta will "win" the election and that this will "reinforce their power." This is a dangerous presumption, based on a common and deeply-embedded misconception that violence equals power. The generals will probably win the election because they have beaten, killed, imprisoned and otherwise bullied their competition out of the running. And where the process is corrupted, the result can not be legitimate. So the election will not reinforce the junta's power. It will simply reinforce the lie that the junta has real power.
Political legitimacy can be understood as the situation where the regime still stands even when the threat of force is removed. If the junta in Burma allowed for a fair and competitive election, they would lose. Resoundingly. Which means that the election is nothing more than a farce, designed to placate the increasingly global community with a show of "legitimacy." Because these particular tyrants seem even more removed from reality than many of their counterparts around the world, it is likely that their margin of victory will be enormous (in a healthy democratic election, it is very unusual to get a margin of victory of more than 10 percentage points, and where the incumbent party gets more than 70% in a national election, more times than not it is an indicator of corruption or fraud.)
The purpose of a democratic election is to 1) ascertain the best social choice, and 2) bestow legitimacy on the legislative/executive authority. If the process is manipulated so that neither of these things can happen, the outcome is meaningless. Understanding this, it is disappointing to think that any legitimate media observers take this farce of an election to be anything but a pathetic demonstration to the world that the generals can still repress their own people with the worst of them.
With their brutality against Buddhist monks- the soul of Burma- the junta gave away their last bits of moral authority. And this farce election is evidence that their last shreds of political legitimacy have evaporated. The international community has an obligation, at the very least, to recognize this inevitable "victory" for what it is- the last gasp of a decaying system. Sadly, the generals have demonstrated that they do not intend to go down alone. They'll spread the misery as far and wide as possible. But each act of brutality girds the people's will to resist them, and while the junta may again stretch out their tenure, these elections should be viewed not as a beginning, but as the beginning of the end.
source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/cynthia-boaz/the-burmese-elections-pro_b_628705.html
Although the monk-led nonviolent Saffron Revolution, which hit a peak of public activity in the fall of 2007, has failed thus far to bring an end to the repression, the movement (which was a continuation of the student-led uprising from 1988) still persists. Brave activists risk their lives every day to move information in and out of the country, hoping to give global audiences a glimpse of the horrifying truth behind the veil.
The junta is holding elections sometime later in the year (best guesstimates are for October 10- which would make the date 10/10/10, a date consistent with the paranoid generals' fixation on numerology and superstition), but Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League for Democracy party, which won 81% of the seats in the 1990 parliamentary elections (before the junta declared the victory fraudulent), has been imprisoned or under house arrest for most of the past 22 years and has been banned by the junta from participating in the elections. In protest, the NLD has also withdrawn from the elections. Which means that the people will have very little means constructive means through which to channel their discontent and hope for a free and democratic Burma unless the pro-democracy movement can organize an opposition force within the next three months, a feat that would be daunting even in an open society that permitted freedom of speech, association and movement.
So the conventional wisdom is that the junta will "win" the election and that this will "reinforce their power." This is a dangerous presumption, based on a common and deeply-embedded misconception that violence equals power. The generals will probably win the election because they have beaten, killed, imprisoned and otherwise bullied their competition out of the running. And where the process is corrupted, the result can not be legitimate. So the election will not reinforce the junta's power. It will simply reinforce the lie that the junta has real power.
Political legitimacy can be understood as the situation where the regime still stands even when the threat of force is removed. If the junta in Burma allowed for a fair and competitive election, they would lose. Resoundingly. Which means that the election is nothing more than a farce, designed to placate the increasingly global community with a show of "legitimacy." Because these particular tyrants seem even more removed from reality than many of their counterparts around the world, it is likely that their margin of victory will be enormous (in a healthy democratic election, it is very unusual to get a margin of victory of more than 10 percentage points, and where the incumbent party gets more than 70% in a national election, more times than not it is an indicator of corruption or fraud.)
The purpose of a democratic election is to 1) ascertain the best social choice, and 2) bestow legitimacy on the legislative/executive authority. If the process is manipulated so that neither of these things can happen, the outcome is meaningless. Understanding this, it is disappointing to think that any legitimate media observers take this farce of an election to be anything but a pathetic demonstration to the world that the generals can still repress their own people with the worst of them.
With their brutality against Buddhist monks- the soul of Burma- the junta gave away their last bits of moral authority. And this farce election is evidence that their last shreds of political legitimacy have evaporated. The international community has an obligation, at the very least, to recognize this inevitable "victory" for what it is- the last gasp of a decaying system. Sadly, the generals have demonstrated that they do not intend to go down alone. They'll spread the misery as far and wide as possible. But each act of brutality girds the people's will to resist them, and while the junta may again stretch out their tenure, these elections should be viewed not as a beginning, but as the beginning of the end.
source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/cynthia-boaz/the-burmese-elections-pro_b_628705.html
Saturday 26 June 2010
Burma bans marching and chanting during rallies
Political parties seeking to contest elections due to be held in Burma later this year have been told they will not be able to march, chant or say anything during rallies that is judged to have the potential to damage the country’s image.
In a series of guidelines published in state-controlled media, it was also revealed that any party seeking to hold a gathering or rally outside of its own headquarters must seek permission from the authorities at least a week in advance.
The military junta that controls Burma claims elections it says will be held later this year will mark a crucial stepping-point towards full democracy. In preparation, a number of senior officers claim to have given up their military posts to lead a party contesting the elections. In truth, most independent observers believe the polls will be a sham and that they will merely act to further cement the position of the military.
All parties challenging for seats in the national parliament arerequired to have at least 1,000 members within 90 days of being granted permission to contest the polls. So far 33 parties have that permission, many of them supporters of the junta. Yet crucial to the view of most observers that the polls will have no credibility, Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), will not be among them.
With its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi prevented from taking part because she is under house arrest and with a further 2,000 political prisoners still behind bars, the party in April voted not to participate. Not everyone within the NLD agreed with the party's decision and a breakaway group, called the National Democratic Force (NDF) and headed by a veteran politician, Dr Than Nyein, is seeking permission to contest the election – a move that has reportedly deeply disappointed Ms Suu Kyi. The NLD, which won a 1990 election by a landslide only for the result to be ignored by the military, has since been forced to disband.
According to the 14-point plan printed in several newspapers today, the NDF and other parties contesting the elections will have to strictly adhere to several regulations. Prohibited will be “giving talks and publishing and distributing publications with the intention of tarnishing the image of the state”, while parties will also have to avoid causing disturbances near government offices, , markets, schools, hospitals and religious buildings. The guidelines warned that the authorities will take appropriate steps to deal with those who breach the rules.
Source: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/burma-bans-marching-and-chanting-during--rallies-2008359.html
In a series of guidelines published in state-controlled media, it was also revealed that any party seeking to hold a gathering or rally outside of its own headquarters must seek permission from the authorities at least a week in advance.
The military junta that controls Burma claims elections it says will be held later this year will mark a crucial stepping-point towards full democracy. In preparation, a number of senior officers claim to have given up their military posts to lead a party contesting the elections. In truth, most independent observers believe the polls will be a sham and that they will merely act to further cement the position of the military.
All parties challenging for seats in the national parliament arerequired to have at least 1,000 members within 90 days of being granted permission to contest the polls. So far 33 parties have that permission, many of them supporters of the junta. Yet crucial to the view of most observers that the polls will have no credibility, Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), will not be among them.
With its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi prevented from taking part because she is under house arrest and with a further 2,000 political prisoners still behind bars, the party in April voted not to participate. Not everyone within the NLD agreed with the party's decision and a breakaway group, called the National Democratic Force (NDF) and headed by a veteran politician, Dr Than Nyein, is seeking permission to contest the election – a move that has reportedly deeply disappointed Ms Suu Kyi. The NLD, which won a 1990 election by a landslide only for the result to be ignored by the military, has since been forced to disband.
According to the 14-point plan printed in several newspapers today, the NDF and other parties contesting the elections will have to strictly adhere to several regulations. Prohibited will be “giving talks and publishing and distributing publications with the intention of tarnishing the image of the state”, while parties will also have to avoid causing disturbances near government offices, , markets, schools, hospitals and religious buildings. The guidelines warned that the authorities will take appropriate steps to deal with those who breach the rules.
Source: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/burma-bans-marching-and-chanting-during--rallies-2008359.html
Election funds generated by issuing two-wheeler licenses
For the Burmese junta in Kachin state, election funds are now being sourced by issuing new licenses to illegal two wheelers, said local sources.
In one week, over 600 million Kyats (over US$625,000 as of 1$ = 650 kyat) has been raked in from people owning unlicensed motorcycles and motorcycle rickshaws in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State alone, said a local reliable source close to the authorities.
Chinese motorcycle rickshaws are popular in Kachin's capital Myitkyina for local transportation. Photo: Kachin News Group.
The cheap and poor-quality Chinese two wheelers are imported illegally along the border in eastern Kachin State, bordering China’s southwestern Yunnan province.
The license fees depend on the type and make of vehicles ranging between 180,000 Kyat (US$277) and 260,000 Kyat (US$400) for a motorcycle, and between 500,000 Kyat (US$769) and 800,000 Kyat (US$1,231) for a motorcycle rickshaw, owners of unlicensed vehicles in the city said.
New car licenses are not issued in Kachin State but orders are out to seize unlicensed cars, said residents.
At the same time, over 60 Japanese cars mostly without license and its drivers have been detained in Myitkyina. The drivers face three years in prison, said sources close to the seized unlicensed car owners.
In Kachin State, the military community and officers mainly use unlicensed Japanese cars but it is never confiscated by the authorities.
Unlicensed vehicles are being detained in Manmaw, or Bhamo, the second largest city in Kachin State since last week, said Zau Awng, a local resident.
In Kachin state, people are reluctant to make licenses because the fees are very high being nearly equal to the cost of the vehicles, and it is also difficult to acquire.
The order relating to issuing new licenses for vehicles excluding cars was announced early last week in Kachin State and will be wrapped up by June 30 by the Myitkyina Tax and Custom Office. The order also warns that all unlicensed two wheelers in the city will be confiscated as the nation’s property starting from July 1.
The junta desperately needs funds for the first elections in 20 years. The order to generate funds is on instructions of Burmese military leaders in Naypyitaw, the country’s capital.
Chinese vehicles, mainly motorcycles and motorcycle rickshaws are transported largely to military-ruled Burma from the illegal border trade points in Kachin State.
Seizure of unlicensed vehicles in Kachin State is noticed when urgent funds are need in Naypyitaw.
Source: http://kachinnews.com/News/Election-funds-generated-by-issuing-two-wheeler-licenses.html
In one week, over 600 million Kyats (over US$625,000 as of 1$ = 650 kyat) has been raked in from people owning unlicensed motorcycles and motorcycle rickshaws in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State alone, said a local reliable source close to the authorities.
Chinese motorcycle rickshaws are popular in Kachin's capital Myitkyina for local transportation. Photo: Kachin News Group.
The cheap and poor-quality Chinese two wheelers are imported illegally along the border in eastern Kachin State, bordering China’s southwestern Yunnan province.
The license fees depend on the type and make of vehicles ranging between 180,000 Kyat (US$277) and 260,000 Kyat (US$400) for a motorcycle, and between 500,000 Kyat (US$769) and 800,000 Kyat (US$1,231) for a motorcycle rickshaw, owners of unlicensed vehicles in the city said.
New car licenses are not issued in Kachin State but orders are out to seize unlicensed cars, said residents.
At the same time, over 60 Japanese cars mostly without license and its drivers have been detained in Myitkyina. The drivers face three years in prison, said sources close to the seized unlicensed car owners.
In Kachin State, the military community and officers mainly use unlicensed Japanese cars but it is never confiscated by the authorities.
Unlicensed vehicles are being detained in Manmaw, or Bhamo, the second largest city in Kachin State since last week, said Zau Awng, a local resident.
In Kachin state, people are reluctant to make licenses because the fees are very high being nearly equal to the cost of the vehicles, and it is also difficult to acquire.
The order relating to issuing new licenses for vehicles excluding cars was announced early last week in Kachin State and will be wrapped up by June 30 by the Myitkyina Tax and Custom Office. The order also warns that all unlicensed two wheelers in the city will be confiscated as the nation’s property starting from July 1.
The junta desperately needs funds for the first elections in 20 years. The order to generate funds is on instructions of Burmese military leaders in Naypyitaw, the country’s capital.
Chinese vehicles, mainly motorcycles and motorcycle rickshaws are transported largely to military-ruled Burma from the illegal border trade points in Kachin State.
Seizure of unlicensed vehicles in Kachin State is noticed when urgent funds are need in Naypyitaw.
Source: http://kachinnews.com/News/Election-funds-generated-by-issuing-two-wheeler-licenses.html
Thursday 24 June 2010
Burma: a brief history
Later this year, Burma is expected to hold its first multi-party elections for twenty years. We look back at the country's turbulent and oppressive history.
World War II
Burma was a major battleground for the British and the Japanese. Three hundred thousand refugees fled to India, but by July 1945 Britain had re-taken the country from the Japanese. The Burma National Army, formed by revolutionary and nationalist Aung San in 1937, initially supported the Japanese, but in 1943, fearful that the Japanese promises of independence were not sincere, changed sides and joined the Allies.
Post-1945
After the war, Aung San was instrumental in restoring civilian politics from the military administration established by the British. He also negotiated independence for Burma with British Prime Minister Clement Attlee.
In 1947, the first elections were held in Burma since its split from the British Raj. Aung San's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) won 176 of the 210 seats, but Aung San and six of his cabinet ministers were assassinated by paramilitaries loyal to colonial era Prime Minister U Saw. Several British military officers were also implicated in the plot, and were tried and imprisoned. U Saw was executed.
The Union of Burma
Following Aung San's assassination, the leadership of the AFPFL passed to U Nu, who oversaw the country's final transition to an independent Burma in January 1948. U Nu became the first prime minister of the Union of Burma.
Under the constitution of 1947, a bicameral parliament was elected. General elections were held in 1952/3, 1956 and 1960, with the AFPFL continuing to dominate both houses.
In 1961, Burmese civil servant U Thant was unanimously appointed UN Secretary-General, the first non-westerner to hold the position. Among the Burmese staff he took with him to the post was Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San. But in 1962, just two years after the republic's third general election as an independent state, the government of U Nu was overthrown in a coup d'etat lead by General Ne Win.
The 'Burmese Way to Socialism'
Ne Win ruled the country as a one-party state until 1988, under the auspices of an ideology he called the 'Burmese Way to Socialism'. This lead to economic and political isolationism, the expulsion of foreigners, and the nationalisation of industry.
Student protests at Rangoon University in 1962 resulted in 15 deaths, and similar student activism in 1975, 1976 and 1977 were also suppressed. In 1974, anti-government protests at the funeral of UN Secretary-General U Thant were quickly and violently suppressed by the military.
On the 8 August 1988, frustration at economic mismanagement and brutal oppression lead to the nation-wide protests known as the 8888 Uprising, in which students, monks, and citizens took to the streets to protest against the military junta.
Once again, the revolt was brutally put down, with many casualties. Precise numbers differ, with opposition groups claiming thousands of people were killed by the military, whilst the regime say only 350 lost their lives.
Rule by military junta
A group which was to become the still-ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), lead by General Saw Maung, seized power and declared martial law. In May 1990, the first multi-party elections were held in 30 years.
The National League for Democracy, lead by Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 of the 498 seats, but the SPDC refused to relinquish power. In 1992, Saw Maung unexpectedly resigned for health reasons, and current dictator Than Shwe succeeded him as head of state, secretary of defence and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, and has subsequently spent 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest.
In 2007, following the junta's decision to remove fuel subsidies, causing the price of fuel to double overnight, demonstrations took place. After an initial crackdown, marches continued under the leadership of thousands of Buddhist monks. Thousands were arrested, and 14 of the leaders were sentenced to 65 years in the infamous British-built Insein prison.
Buddhist monks have been a rallying point for opposition since the early 20th century, when riots broke out over the issue of the British colonists refusing the remove their shoes in the temples.
Beyond the 2007 uprising
Ethnic violence continues in the country, with the Karen people of southeastern Burma particularly prominent in their insurgency. There has also been protracted conflict between the junta and the Han Chinese, Va and Kachin people in the north.
The devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008 in the Irrawaddy rice-farming region was severe, with around 200,000 people estimated to have died. However, the isolationist stance of the junta and the endemic corruption in major industries and local government prevented either domestic or foreign aid having much of an impact. United Nations planes bringing food aid and medical supplies were delayed by the junta.
In 2009, an American named John Yettaw swam across Lake Inya to reach Aung San Suu Kyi's residence for the second time (he first visited in May 2008), and was arrested and deported for breaching the terms of her house arrest. As a result, she was given a further 18 months' confinement, meaning that she can take no part in elections held in 2010.
Under the new constitution ratified by referendum amid the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the new democratically-elected assembly will reserve a quarter of its seats for the military. Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has said that it will boycott the elections because of laws that prevent their leader from participating.
http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=657
World War II
Burma was a major battleground for the British and the Japanese. Three hundred thousand refugees fled to India, but by July 1945 Britain had re-taken the country from the Japanese. The Burma National Army, formed by revolutionary and nationalist Aung San in 1937, initially supported the Japanese, but in 1943, fearful that the Japanese promises of independence were not sincere, changed sides and joined the Allies.
Post-1945
After the war, Aung San was instrumental in restoring civilian politics from the military administration established by the British. He also negotiated independence for Burma with British Prime Minister Clement Attlee.
In 1947, the first elections were held in Burma since its split from the British Raj. Aung San's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) won 176 of the 210 seats, but Aung San and six of his cabinet ministers were assassinated by paramilitaries loyal to colonial era Prime Minister U Saw. Several British military officers were also implicated in the plot, and were tried and imprisoned. U Saw was executed.
The Union of Burma
Following Aung San's assassination, the leadership of the AFPFL passed to U Nu, who oversaw the country's final transition to an independent Burma in January 1948. U Nu became the first prime minister of the Union of Burma.
Under the constitution of 1947, a bicameral parliament was elected. General elections were held in 1952/3, 1956 and 1960, with the AFPFL continuing to dominate both houses.
In 1961, Burmese civil servant U Thant was unanimously appointed UN Secretary-General, the first non-westerner to hold the position. Among the Burmese staff he took with him to the post was Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San. But in 1962, just two years after the republic's third general election as an independent state, the government of U Nu was overthrown in a coup d'etat lead by General Ne Win.
The 'Burmese Way to Socialism'
Ne Win ruled the country as a one-party state until 1988, under the auspices of an ideology he called the 'Burmese Way to Socialism'. This lead to economic and political isolationism, the expulsion of foreigners, and the nationalisation of industry.
Student protests at Rangoon University in 1962 resulted in 15 deaths, and similar student activism in 1975, 1976 and 1977 were also suppressed. In 1974, anti-government protests at the funeral of UN Secretary-General U Thant were quickly and violently suppressed by the military.
On the 8 August 1988, frustration at economic mismanagement and brutal oppression lead to the nation-wide protests known as the 8888 Uprising, in which students, monks, and citizens took to the streets to protest against the military junta.
Once again, the revolt was brutally put down, with many casualties. Precise numbers differ, with opposition groups claiming thousands of people were killed by the military, whilst the regime say only 350 lost their lives.
Rule by military junta
A group which was to become the still-ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), lead by General Saw Maung, seized power and declared martial law. In May 1990, the first multi-party elections were held in 30 years.
The National League for Democracy, lead by Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 of the 498 seats, but the SPDC refused to relinquish power. In 1992, Saw Maung unexpectedly resigned for health reasons, and current dictator Than Shwe succeeded him as head of state, secretary of defence and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, and has subsequently spent 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest.
In 2007, following the junta's decision to remove fuel subsidies, causing the price of fuel to double overnight, demonstrations took place. After an initial crackdown, marches continued under the leadership of thousands of Buddhist monks. Thousands were arrested, and 14 of the leaders were sentenced to 65 years in the infamous British-built Insein prison.
Buddhist monks have been a rallying point for opposition since the early 20th century, when riots broke out over the issue of the British colonists refusing the remove their shoes in the temples.
Beyond the 2007 uprising
Ethnic violence continues in the country, with the Karen people of southeastern Burma particularly prominent in their insurgency. There has also been protracted conflict between the junta and the Han Chinese, Va and Kachin people in the north.
The devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008 in the Irrawaddy rice-farming region was severe, with around 200,000 people estimated to have died. However, the isolationist stance of the junta and the endemic corruption in major industries and local government prevented either domestic or foreign aid having much of an impact. United Nations planes bringing food aid and medical supplies were delayed by the junta.
In 2009, an American named John Yettaw swam across Lake Inya to reach Aung San Suu Kyi's residence for the second time (he first visited in May 2008), and was arrested and deported for breaching the terms of her house arrest. As a result, she was given a further 18 months' confinement, meaning that she can take no part in elections held in 2010.
Under the new constitution ratified by referendum amid the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the new democratically-elected assembly will reserve a quarter of its seats for the military. Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has said that it will boycott the elections because of laws that prevent their leader from participating.
http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=657
Burma: a brief history
Later this year, Burma is expected to hold its first multi-party elections for twenty years. We look back at the country's turbulent and oppressive history.
World War II
Burma was a major battleground for the British and the Japanese. Three hundred thousand refugees fled to India, but by July 1945 Britain had re-taken the country from the Japanese. The Burma National Army, formed by revolutionary and nationalist Aung San in 1937, initially supported the Japanese, but in 1943, fearful that the Japanese promises of independence were not sincere, changed sides and joined the Allies.
Post-1945
After the war, Aung San was instrumental in restoring civilian politics from the military administration established by the British. He also negotiated independence for Burma with British Prime Minister Clement Attlee.
In 1947, the first elections were held in Burma since its split from the British Raj. Aung San's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) won 176 of the 210 seats, but Aung San and six of his cabinet ministers were assassinated by paramilitaries loyal to colonial era Prime Minister U Saw. Several British military officers were also implicated in the plot, and were tried and imprisoned. U Saw was executed.
The Union of Burma
Following Aung San's assassination, the leadership of the AFPFL passed to U Nu, who oversaw the country's final transition to an independent Burma in January 1948. U Nu became the first prime minister of the Union of Burma.
Under the constitution of 1947, a bicameral parliament was elected. General elections were held in 1952/3, 1956 and 1960, with the AFPFL continuing to dominate both houses.
In 1961, Burmese civil servant U Thant was unanimously appointed UN Secretary-General, the first non-westerner to hold the position. Among the Burmese staff he took with him to the post was Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San. But in 1962, just two years after the republic's third general election as an independent state, the government of U Nu was overthrown in a coup d'etat lead by General Ne Win.
The 'Burmese Way to Socialism'
Ne Win ruled the country as a one-party state until 1988, under the auspices of an ideology he called the 'Burmese Way to Socialism'. This lead to economic and political isolationism, the expulsion of foreigners, and the nationalisation of industry.
Student protests at Rangoon University in 1962 resulted in 15 deaths, and similar student activism in 1975, 1976 and 1977 were also suppressed. In 1974, anti-government protests at the funeral of UN Secretary-General U Thant were quickly and violently suppressed by the military.
On the 8 August 1988, frustration at economic mismanagement and brutal oppression lead to the nation-wide protests known as the 8888 Uprising, in which students, monks, and citizens took to the streets to protest against the military junta.
Once again, the revolt was brutally put down, with many casualties. Precise numbers differ, with opposition groups claiming thousands of people were killed by the military, whilst the regime say only 350 lost their lives.
Rule by military junta
A group which was to become the still-ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), lead by General Saw Maung, seized power and declared martial law. In May 1990, the first multi-party elections were held in 30 years.
The National League for Democracy, lead by Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 of the 498 seats, but the SPDC refused to relinquish power. In 1992, Saw Maung unexpectedly resigned for health reasons, and current dictator Than Shwe succeeded him as head of state, secretary of defence and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, and has subsequently spent 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest.
In 2007, following the junta's decision to remove fuel subsidies, causing the price of fuel to double overnight, demonstrations took place. After an initial crackdown, marches continued under the leadership of thousands of Buddhist monks. Thousands were arrested, and 14 of the leaders were sentenced to 65 years in the infamous British-built Insein prison.
Buddhist monks have been a rallying point for opposition since the early 20th century, when riots broke out over the issue of the British colonists refusing the remove their shoes in the temples.
Beyond the 2007 uprising
Ethnic violence continues in the country, with the Karen people of southeastern Burma particularly prominent in their insurgency. There has also been protracted conflict between the junta and the Han Chinese, Va and Kachin people in the north.
The devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008 in the Irrawaddy rice-farming region was severe, with around 200,000 people estimated to have died. However, the isolationist stance of the junta and the endemic corruption in major industries and local government prevented either domestic or foreign aid having much of an impact. United Nations planes bringing food aid and medical supplies were delayed by the junta.
In 2009, an American named John Yettaw swam across Lake Inya to reach Aung San Suu Kyi's residence for the second time (he first visited in May 2008), and was arrested and deported for breaching the terms of her house arrest. As a result, she was given a further 18 months' confinement, meaning that she can take no part in elections held in 2010.
Under the new constitution ratified by referendum amid the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the new democratically-elected assembly will reserve a quarter of its seats for the military. Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has said that it will boycott the elections because of laws that prevent their leader from participating.
http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=657
World War II
Burma was a major battleground for the British and the Japanese. Three hundred thousand refugees fled to India, but by July 1945 Britain had re-taken the country from the Japanese. The Burma National Army, formed by revolutionary and nationalist Aung San in 1937, initially supported the Japanese, but in 1943, fearful that the Japanese promises of independence were not sincere, changed sides and joined the Allies.
Post-1945
After the war, Aung San was instrumental in restoring civilian politics from the military administration established by the British. He also negotiated independence for Burma with British Prime Minister Clement Attlee.
In 1947, the first elections were held in Burma since its split from the British Raj. Aung San's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) won 176 of the 210 seats, but Aung San and six of his cabinet ministers were assassinated by paramilitaries loyal to colonial era Prime Minister U Saw. Several British military officers were also implicated in the plot, and were tried and imprisoned. U Saw was executed.
The Union of Burma
Following Aung San's assassination, the leadership of the AFPFL passed to U Nu, who oversaw the country's final transition to an independent Burma in January 1948. U Nu became the first prime minister of the Union of Burma.
Under the constitution of 1947, a bicameral parliament was elected. General elections were held in 1952/3, 1956 and 1960, with the AFPFL continuing to dominate both houses.
In 1961, Burmese civil servant U Thant was unanimously appointed UN Secretary-General, the first non-westerner to hold the position. Among the Burmese staff he took with him to the post was Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San. But in 1962, just two years after the republic's third general election as an independent state, the government of U Nu was overthrown in a coup d'etat lead by General Ne Win.
The 'Burmese Way to Socialism'
Ne Win ruled the country as a one-party state until 1988, under the auspices of an ideology he called the 'Burmese Way to Socialism'. This lead to economic and political isolationism, the expulsion of foreigners, and the nationalisation of industry.
Student protests at Rangoon University in 1962 resulted in 15 deaths, and similar student activism in 1975, 1976 and 1977 were also suppressed. In 1974, anti-government protests at the funeral of UN Secretary-General U Thant were quickly and violently suppressed by the military.
On the 8 August 1988, frustration at economic mismanagement and brutal oppression lead to the nation-wide protests known as the 8888 Uprising, in which students, monks, and citizens took to the streets to protest against the military junta.
Once again, the revolt was brutally put down, with many casualties. Precise numbers differ, with opposition groups claiming thousands of people were killed by the military, whilst the regime say only 350 lost their lives.
Rule by military junta
A group which was to become the still-ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), lead by General Saw Maung, seized power and declared martial law. In May 1990, the first multi-party elections were held in 30 years.
The National League for Democracy, lead by Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 of the 498 seats, but the SPDC refused to relinquish power. In 1992, Saw Maung unexpectedly resigned for health reasons, and current dictator Than Shwe succeeded him as head of state, secretary of defence and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, and has subsequently spent 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest.
In 2007, following the junta's decision to remove fuel subsidies, causing the price of fuel to double overnight, demonstrations took place. After an initial crackdown, marches continued under the leadership of thousands of Buddhist monks. Thousands were arrested, and 14 of the leaders were sentenced to 65 years in the infamous British-built Insein prison.
Buddhist monks have been a rallying point for opposition since the early 20th century, when riots broke out over the issue of the British colonists refusing the remove their shoes in the temples.
Beyond the 2007 uprising
Ethnic violence continues in the country, with the Karen people of southeastern Burma particularly prominent in their insurgency. There has also been protracted conflict between the junta and the Han Chinese, Va and Kachin people in the north.
The devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008 in the Irrawaddy rice-farming region was severe, with around 200,000 people estimated to have died. However, the isolationist stance of the junta and the endemic corruption in major industries and local government prevented either domestic or foreign aid having much of an impact. United Nations planes bringing food aid and medical supplies were delayed by the junta.
In 2009, an American named John Yettaw swam across Lake Inya to reach Aung San Suu Kyi's residence for the second time (he first visited in May 2008), and was arrested and deported for breaching the terms of her house arrest. As a result, she was given a further 18 months' confinement, meaning that she can take no part in elections held in 2010.
Under the new constitution ratified by referendum amid the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the new democratically-elected assembly will reserve a quarter of its seats for the military. Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has said that it will boycott the elections because of laws that prevent their leader from participating.
http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=657
Burma: a brief history
Later this year, Burma is expected to hold its first multi-party elections for twenty years. We look back at the country's turbulent and oppressive history.
World War II
Burma was a major battleground for the British and the Japanese. Three hundred thousand refugees fled to India, but by July 1945 Britain had re-taken the country from the Japanese. The Burma National Army, formed by revolutionary and nationalist Aung San in 1937, initially supported the Japanese, but in 1943, fearful that the Japanese promises of independence were not sincere, changed sides and joined the Allies.
Post-1945
After the war, Aung San was instrumental in restoring civilian politics from the military administration established by the British. He also negotiated independence for Burma with British Prime Minister Clement Attlee.
In 1947, the first elections were held in Burma since its split from the British Raj. Aung San's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) won 176 of the 210 seats, but Aung San and six of his cabinet ministers were assassinated by paramilitaries loyal to colonial era Prime Minister U Saw. Several British military officers were also implicated in the plot, and were tried and imprisoned. U Saw was executed.
The Union of Burma
Following Aung San's assassination, the leadership of the AFPFL passed to U Nu, who oversaw the country's final transition to an independent Burma in January 1948. U Nu became the first prime minister of the Union of Burma.
Under the constitution of 1947, a bicameral parliament was elected. General elections were held in 1952/3, 1956 and 1960, with the AFPFL continuing to dominate both houses.
In 1961, Burmese civil servant U Thant was unanimously appointed UN Secretary-General, the first non-westerner to hold the position. Among the Burmese staff he took with him to the post was Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San. But in 1962, just two years after the republic's third general election as an independent state, the government of U Nu was overthrown in a coup d'etat lead by General Ne Win.
The 'Burmese Way to Socialism'
Ne Win ruled the country as a one-party state until 1988, under the auspices of an ideology he called the 'Burmese Way to Socialism'. This lead to economic and political isolationism, the expulsion of foreigners, and the nationalisation of industry.
Student protests at Rangoon University in 1962 resulted in 15 deaths, and similar student activism in 1975, 1976 and 1977 were also suppressed. In 1974, anti-government protests at the funeral of UN Secretary-General U Thant were quickly and violently suppressed by the military.
On the 8 August 1988, frustration at economic mismanagement and brutal oppression lead to the nation-wide protests known as the 8888 Uprising, in which students, monks, and citizens took to the streets to protest against the military junta.
Once again, the revolt was brutally put down, with many casualties. Precise numbers differ, with opposition groups claiming thousands of people were killed by the military, whilst the regime say only 350 lost their lives.
Rule by military junta
A group which was to become the still-ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), lead by General Saw Maung, seized power and declared martial law. In May 1990, the first multi-party elections were held in 30 years.
The National League for Democracy, lead by Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 of the 498 seats, but the SPDC refused to relinquish power. In 1992, Saw Maung unexpectedly resigned for health reasons, and current dictator Than Shwe succeeded him as head of state, secretary of defence and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, and has subsequently spent 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest.
In 2007, following the junta's decision to remove fuel subsidies, causing the price of fuel to double overnight, demonstrations took place. After an initial crackdown, marches continued under the leadership of thousands of Buddhist monks. Thousands were arrested, and 14 of the leaders were sentenced to 65 years in the infamous British-built Insein prison.
Buddhist monks have been a rallying point for opposition since the early 20th century, when riots broke out over the issue of the British colonists refusing the remove their shoes in the temples.
Beyond the 2007 uprising
Ethnic violence continues in the country, with the Karen people of southeastern Burma particularly prominent in their insurgency. There has also been protracted conflict between the junta and the Han Chinese, Va and Kachin people in the north.
The devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008 in the Irrawaddy rice-farming region was severe, with around 200,000 people estimated to have died. However, the isolationist stance of the junta and the endemic corruption in major industries and local government prevented either domestic or foreign aid having much of an impact. United Nations planes bringing food aid and medical supplies were delayed by the junta.
In 2009, an American named John Yettaw swam across Lake Inya to reach Aung San Suu Kyi's residence for the second time (he first visited in May 2008), and was arrested and deported for breaching the terms of her house arrest. As a result, she was given a further 18 months' confinement, meaning that she can take no part in elections held in 2010.
Under the new constitution ratified by referendum amid the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the new democratically-elected assembly will reserve a quarter of its seats for the military. Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has said that it will boycott the elections because of laws that prevent their leader from participating.
http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=657
World War II
Burma was a major battleground for the British and the Japanese. Three hundred thousand refugees fled to India, but by July 1945 Britain had re-taken the country from the Japanese. The Burma National Army, formed by revolutionary and nationalist Aung San in 1937, initially supported the Japanese, but in 1943, fearful that the Japanese promises of independence were not sincere, changed sides and joined the Allies.
Post-1945
After the war, Aung San was instrumental in restoring civilian politics from the military administration established by the British. He also negotiated independence for Burma with British Prime Minister Clement Attlee.
In 1947, the first elections were held in Burma since its split from the British Raj. Aung San's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) won 176 of the 210 seats, but Aung San and six of his cabinet ministers were assassinated by paramilitaries loyal to colonial era Prime Minister U Saw. Several British military officers were also implicated in the plot, and were tried and imprisoned. U Saw was executed.
The Union of Burma
Following Aung San's assassination, the leadership of the AFPFL passed to U Nu, who oversaw the country's final transition to an independent Burma in January 1948. U Nu became the first prime minister of the Union of Burma.
Under the constitution of 1947, a bicameral parliament was elected. General elections were held in 1952/3, 1956 and 1960, with the AFPFL continuing to dominate both houses.
In 1961, Burmese civil servant U Thant was unanimously appointed UN Secretary-General, the first non-westerner to hold the position. Among the Burmese staff he took with him to the post was Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San. But in 1962, just two years after the republic's third general election as an independent state, the government of U Nu was overthrown in a coup d'etat lead by General Ne Win.
The 'Burmese Way to Socialism'
Ne Win ruled the country as a one-party state until 1988, under the auspices of an ideology he called the 'Burmese Way to Socialism'. This lead to economic and political isolationism, the expulsion of foreigners, and the nationalisation of industry.
Student protests at Rangoon University in 1962 resulted in 15 deaths, and similar student activism in 1975, 1976 and 1977 were also suppressed. In 1974, anti-government protests at the funeral of UN Secretary-General U Thant were quickly and violently suppressed by the military.
On the 8 August 1988, frustration at economic mismanagement and brutal oppression lead to the nation-wide protests known as the 8888 Uprising, in which students, monks, and citizens took to the streets to protest against the military junta.
Once again, the revolt was brutally put down, with many casualties. Precise numbers differ, with opposition groups claiming thousands of people were killed by the military, whilst the regime say only 350 lost their lives.
Rule by military junta
A group which was to become the still-ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), lead by General Saw Maung, seized power and declared martial law. In May 1990, the first multi-party elections were held in 30 years.
The National League for Democracy, lead by Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 of the 498 seats, but the SPDC refused to relinquish power. In 1992, Saw Maung unexpectedly resigned for health reasons, and current dictator Than Shwe succeeded him as head of state, secretary of defence and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, and has subsequently spent 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest.
In 2007, following the junta's decision to remove fuel subsidies, causing the price of fuel to double overnight, demonstrations took place. After an initial crackdown, marches continued under the leadership of thousands of Buddhist monks. Thousands were arrested, and 14 of the leaders were sentenced to 65 years in the infamous British-built Insein prison.
Buddhist monks have been a rallying point for opposition since the early 20th century, when riots broke out over the issue of the British colonists refusing the remove their shoes in the temples.
Beyond the 2007 uprising
Ethnic violence continues in the country, with the Karen people of southeastern Burma particularly prominent in their insurgency. There has also been protracted conflict between the junta and the Han Chinese, Va and Kachin people in the north.
The devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008 in the Irrawaddy rice-farming region was severe, with around 200,000 people estimated to have died. However, the isolationist stance of the junta and the endemic corruption in major industries and local government prevented either domestic or foreign aid having much of an impact. United Nations planes bringing food aid and medical supplies were delayed by the junta.
In 2009, an American named John Yettaw swam across Lake Inya to reach Aung San Suu Kyi's residence for the second time (he first visited in May 2008), and was arrested and deported for breaching the terms of her house arrest. As a result, she was given a further 18 months' confinement, meaning that she can take no part in elections held in 2010.
Under the new constitution ratified by referendum amid the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the new democratically-elected assembly will reserve a quarter of its seats for the military. Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has said that it will boycott the elections because of laws that prevent their leader from participating.
http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=657
Burma: a brief history
Later this year, Burma is expected to hold its first multi-party elections for twenty years. We look back at the country's turbulent and oppressive history.
World War II
Burma was a major battleground for the British and the Japanese. Three hundred thousand refugees fled to India, but by July 1945 Britain had re-taken the country from the Japanese. The Burma National Army, formed by revolutionary and nationalist Aung San in 1937, initially supported the Japanese, but in 1943, fearful that the Japanese promises of independence were not sincere, changed sides and joined the Allies.
Post-1945
After the war, Aung San was instrumental in restoring civilian politics from the military administration established by the British. He also negotiated independence for Burma with British Prime Minister Clement Attlee.
In 1947, the first elections were held in Burma since its split from the British Raj. Aung San's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) won 176 of the 210 seats, but Aung San and six of his cabinet ministers were assassinated by paramilitaries loyal to colonial era Prime Minister U Saw. Several British military officers were also implicated in the plot, and were tried and imprisoned. U Saw was executed.
The Union of Burma
Following Aung San's assassination, the leadership of the AFPFL passed to U Nu, who oversaw the country's final transition to an independent Burma in January 1948. U Nu became the first prime minister of the Union of Burma.
Under the constitution of 1947, a bicameral parliament was elected. General elections were held in 1952/3, 1956 and 1960, with the AFPFL continuing to dominate both houses.
In 1961, Burmese civil servant U Thant was unanimously appointed UN Secretary-General, the first non-westerner to hold the position. Among the Burmese staff he took with him to the post was Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San. But in 1962, just two years after the republic's third general election as an independent state, the government of U Nu was overthrown in a coup d'etat lead by General Ne Win.
The 'Burmese Way to Socialism'
Ne Win ruled the country as a one-party state until 1988, under the auspices of an ideology he called the 'Burmese Way to Socialism'. This lead to economic and political isolationism, the expulsion of foreigners, and the nationalisation of industry.
Student protests at Rangoon University in 1962 resulted in 15 deaths, and similar student activism in 1975, 1976 and 1977 were also suppressed. In 1974, anti-government protests at the funeral of UN Secretary-General U Thant were quickly and violently suppressed by the military.
On the 8 August 1988, frustration at economic mismanagement and brutal oppression lead to the nation-wide protests known as the 8888 Uprising, in which students, monks, and citizens took to the streets to protest against the military junta.
Once again, the revolt was brutally put down, with many casualties. Precise numbers differ, with opposition groups claiming thousands of people were killed by the military, whilst the regime say only 350 lost their lives.
Rule by military junta
A group which was to become the still-ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), lead by General Saw Maung, seized power and declared martial law. In May 1990, the first multi-party elections were held in 30 years.
The National League for Democracy, lead by Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 of the 498 seats, but the SPDC refused to relinquish power. In 1992, Saw Maung unexpectedly resigned for health reasons, and current dictator Than Shwe succeeded him as head of state, secretary of defence and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, and has subsequently spent 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest.
In 2007, following the junta's decision to remove fuel subsidies, causing the price of fuel to double overnight, demonstrations took place. After an initial crackdown, marches continued under the leadership of thousands of Buddhist monks. Thousands were arrested, and 14 of the leaders were sentenced to 65 years in the infamous British-built Insein prison.
Buddhist monks have been a rallying point for opposition since the early 20th century, when riots broke out over the issue of the British colonists refusing the remove their shoes in the temples.
Beyond the 2007 uprising
Ethnic violence continues in the country, with the Karen people of southeastern Burma particularly prominent in their insurgency. There has also been protracted conflict between the junta and the Han Chinese, Va and Kachin people in the north.
The devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008 in the Irrawaddy rice-farming region was severe, with around 200,000 people estimated to have died. However, the isolationist stance of the junta and the endemic corruption in major industries and local government prevented either domestic or foreign aid having much of an impact. United Nations planes bringing food aid and medical supplies were delayed by the junta.
In 2009, an American named John Yettaw swam across Lake Inya to reach Aung San Suu Kyi's residence for the second time (he first visited in May 2008), and was arrested and deported for breaching the terms of her house arrest. As a result, she was given a further 18 months' confinement, meaning that she can take no part in elections held in 2010.
Under the new constitution ratified by referendum amid the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the new democratically-elected assembly will reserve a quarter of its seats for the military. Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has said that it will boycott the elections because of laws that prevent their leader from participating.
http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=657
World War II
Burma was a major battleground for the British and the Japanese. Three hundred thousand refugees fled to India, but by July 1945 Britain had re-taken the country from the Japanese. The Burma National Army, formed by revolutionary and nationalist Aung San in 1937, initially supported the Japanese, but in 1943, fearful that the Japanese promises of independence were not sincere, changed sides and joined the Allies.
Post-1945
After the war, Aung San was instrumental in restoring civilian politics from the military administration established by the British. He also negotiated independence for Burma with British Prime Minister Clement Attlee.
In 1947, the first elections were held in Burma since its split from the British Raj. Aung San's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) won 176 of the 210 seats, but Aung San and six of his cabinet ministers were assassinated by paramilitaries loyal to colonial era Prime Minister U Saw. Several British military officers were also implicated in the plot, and were tried and imprisoned. U Saw was executed.
The Union of Burma
Following Aung San's assassination, the leadership of the AFPFL passed to U Nu, who oversaw the country's final transition to an independent Burma in January 1948. U Nu became the first prime minister of the Union of Burma.
Under the constitution of 1947, a bicameral parliament was elected. General elections were held in 1952/3, 1956 and 1960, with the AFPFL continuing to dominate both houses.
In 1961, Burmese civil servant U Thant was unanimously appointed UN Secretary-General, the first non-westerner to hold the position. Among the Burmese staff he took with him to the post was Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San. But in 1962, just two years after the republic's third general election as an independent state, the government of U Nu was overthrown in a coup d'etat lead by General Ne Win.
The 'Burmese Way to Socialism'
Ne Win ruled the country as a one-party state until 1988, under the auspices of an ideology he called the 'Burmese Way to Socialism'. This lead to economic and political isolationism, the expulsion of foreigners, and the nationalisation of industry.
Student protests at Rangoon University in 1962 resulted in 15 deaths, and similar student activism in 1975, 1976 and 1977 were also suppressed. In 1974, anti-government protests at the funeral of UN Secretary-General U Thant were quickly and violently suppressed by the military.
On the 8 August 1988, frustration at economic mismanagement and brutal oppression lead to the nation-wide protests known as the 8888 Uprising, in which students, monks, and citizens took to the streets to protest against the military junta.
Once again, the revolt was brutally put down, with many casualties. Precise numbers differ, with opposition groups claiming thousands of people were killed by the military, whilst the regime say only 350 lost their lives.
Rule by military junta
A group which was to become the still-ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), lead by General Saw Maung, seized power and declared martial law. In May 1990, the first multi-party elections were held in 30 years.
The National League for Democracy, lead by Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 of the 498 seats, but the SPDC refused to relinquish power. In 1992, Saw Maung unexpectedly resigned for health reasons, and current dictator Than Shwe succeeded him as head of state, secretary of defence and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, and has subsequently spent 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest.
In 2007, following the junta's decision to remove fuel subsidies, causing the price of fuel to double overnight, demonstrations took place. After an initial crackdown, marches continued under the leadership of thousands of Buddhist monks. Thousands were arrested, and 14 of the leaders were sentenced to 65 years in the infamous British-built Insein prison.
Buddhist monks have been a rallying point for opposition since the early 20th century, when riots broke out over the issue of the British colonists refusing the remove their shoes in the temples.
Beyond the 2007 uprising
Ethnic violence continues in the country, with the Karen people of southeastern Burma particularly prominent in their insurgency. There has also been protracted conflict between the junta and the Han Chinese, Va and Kachin people in the north.
The devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008 in the Irrawaddy rice-farming region was severe, with around 200,000 people estimated to have died. However, the isolationist stance of the junta and the endemic corruption in major industries and local government prevented either domestic or foreign aid having much of an impact. United Nations planes bringing food aid and medical supplies were delayed by the junta.
In 2009, an American named John Yettaw swam across Lake Inya to reach Aung San Suu Kyi's residence for the second time (he first visited in May 2008), and was arrested and deported for breaching the terms of her house arrest. As a result, she was given a further 18 months' confinement, meaning that she can take no part in elections held in 2010.
Under the new constitution ratified by referendum amid the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the new democratically-elected assembly will reserve a quarter of its seats for the military. Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has said that it will boycott the elections because of laws that prevent their leader from participating.
http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=657
Burma: a brief history
Later this year, Burma is expected to hold its first multi-party elections for twenty years. We look back at the country's turbulent and oppressive history.
World War II
Burma was a major battleground for the British and the Japanese. Three hundred thousand refugees fled to India, but by July 1945 Britain had re-taken the country from the Japanese. The Burma National Army, formed by revolutionary and nationalist Aung San in 1937, initially supported the Japanese, but in 1943, fearful that the Japanese promises of independence were not sincere, changed sides and joined the Allies.
Post-1945
After the war, Aung San was instrumental in restoring civilian politics from the military administration established by the British. He also negotiated independence for Burma with British Prime Minister Clement Attlee.
In 1947, the first elections were held in Burma since its split from the British Raj. Aung San's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) won 176 of the 210 seats, but Aung San and six of his cabinet ministers were assassinated by paramilitaries loyal to colonial era Prime Minister U Saw. Several British military officers were also implicated in the plot, and were tried and imprisoned. U Saw was executed.
The Union of Burma
Following Aung San's assassination, the leadership of the AFPFL passed to U Nu, who oversaw the country's final transition to an independent Burma in January 1948. U Nu became the first prime minister of the Union of Burma.
Under the constitution of 1947, a bicameral parliament was elected. General elections were held in 1952/3, 1956 and 1960, with the AFPFL continuing to dominate both houses.
In 1961, Burmese civil servant U Thant was unanimously appointed UN Secretary-General, the first non-westerner to hold the position. Among the Burmese staff he took with him to the post was Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San. But in 1962, just two years after the republic's third general election as an independent state, the government of U Nu was overthrown in a coup d'etat lead by General Ne Win.
The 'Burmese Way to Socialism'
Ne Win ruled the country as a one-party state until 1988, under the auspices of an ideology he called the 'Burmese Way to Socialism'. This lead to economic and political isolationism, the expulsion of foreigners, and the nationalisation of industry.
Student protests at Rangoon University in 1962 resulted in 15 deaths, and similar student activism in 1975, 1976 and 1977 were also suppressed. In 1974, anti-government protests at the funeral of UN Secretary-General U Thant were quickly and violently suppressed by the military.
On the 8 August 1988, frustration at economic mismanagement and brutal oppression lead to the nation-wide protests known as the 8888 Uprising, in which students, monks, and citizens took to the streets to protest against the military junta.
Once again, the revolt was brutally put down, with many casualties. Precise numbers differ, with opposition groups claiming thousands of people were killed by the military, whilst the regime say only 350 lost their lives.
Rule by military junta
A group which was to become the still-ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), lead by General Saw Maung, seized power and declared martial law. In May 1990, the first multi-party elections were held in 30 years.
The National League for Democracy, lead by Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 of the 498 seats, but the SPDC refused to relinquish power. In 1992, Saw Maung unexpectedly resigned for health reasons, and current dictator Than Shwe succeeded him as head of state, secretary of defence and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, and has subsequently spent 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest.
In 2007, following the junta's decision to remove fuel subsidies, causing the price of fuel to double overnight, demonstrations took place. After an initial crackdown, marches continued under the leadership of thousands of Buddhist monks. Thousands were arrested, and 14 of the leaders were sentenced to 65 years in the infamous British-built Insein prison.
Buddhist monks have been a rallying point for opposition since the early 20th century, when riots broke out over the issue of the British colonists refusing the remove their shoes in the temples.
Beyond the 2007 uprising
Ethnic violence continues in the country, with the Karen people of southeastern Burma particularly prominent in their insurgency. There has also been protracted conflict between the junta and the Han Chinese, Va and Kachin people in the north.
The devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008 in the Irrawaddy rice-farming region was severe, with around 200,000 people estimated to have died. However, the isolationist stance of the junta and the endemic corruption in major industries and local government prevented either domestic or foreign aid having much of an impact. United Nations planes bringing food aid and medical supplies were delayed by the junta.
In 2009, an American named John Yettaw swam across Lake Inya to reach Aung San Suu Kyi's residence for the second time (he first visited in May 2008), and was arrested and deported for breaching the terms of her house arrest. As a result, she was given a further 18 months' confinement, meaning that she can take no part in elections held in 2010.
Under the new constitution ratified by referendum amid the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the new democratically-elected assembly will reserve a quarter of its seats for the military. Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has said that it will boycott the elections because of laws that prevent their leader from participating.
http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=657
World War II
Burma was a major battleground for the British and the Japanese. Three hundred thousand refugees fled to India, but by July 1945 Britain had re-taken the country from the Japanese. The Burma National Army, formed by revolutionary and nationalist Aung San in 1937, initially supported the Japanese, but in 1943, fearful that the Japanese promises of independence were not sincere, changed sides and joined the Allies.
Post-1945
After the war, Aung San was instrumental in restoring civilian politics from the military administration established by the British. He also negotiated independence for Burma with British Prime Minister Clement Attlee.
In 1947, the first elections were held in Burma since its split from the British Raj. Aung San's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) won 176 of the 210 seats, but Aung San and six of his cabinet ministers were assassinated by paramilitaries loyal to colonial era Prime Minister U Saw. Several British military officers were also implicated in the plot, and were tried and imprisoned. U Saw was executed.
The Union of Burma
Following Aung San's assassination, the leadership of the AFPFL passed to U Nu, who oversaw the country's final transition to an independent Burma in January 1948. U Nu became the first prime minister of the Union of Burma.
Under the constitution of 1947, a bicameral parliament was elected. General elections were held in 1952/3, 1956 and 1960, with the AFPFL continuing to dominate both houses.
In 1961, Burmese civil servant U Thant was unanimously appointed UN Secretary-General, the first non-westerner to hold the position. Among the Burmese staff he took with him to the post was Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San. But in 1962, just two years after the republic's third general election as an independent state, the government of U Nu was overthrown in a coup d'etat lead by General Ne Win.
The 'Burmese Way to Socialism'
Ne Win ruled the country as a one-party state until 1988, under the auspices of an ideology he called the 'Burmese Way to Socialism'. This lead to economic and political isolationism, the expulsion of foreigners, and the nationalisation of industry.
Student protests at Rangoon University in 1962 resulted in 15 deaths, and similar student activism in 1975, 1976 and 1977 were also suppressed. In 1974, anti-government protests at the funeral of UN Secretary-General U Thant were quickly and violently suppressed by the military.
On the 8 August 1988, frustration at economic mismanagement and brutal oppression lead to the nation-wide protests known as the 8888 Uprising, in which students, monks, and citizens took to the streets to protest against the military junta.
Once again, the revolt was brutally put down, with many casualties. Precise numbers differ, with opposition groups claiming thousands of people were killed by the military, whilst the regime say only 350 lost their lives.
Rule by military junta
A group which was to become the still-ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), lead by General Saw Maung, seized power and declared martial law. In May 1990, the first multi-party elections were held in 30 years.
The National League for Democracy, lead by Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 of the 498 seats, but the SPDC refused to relinquish power. In 1992, Saw Maung unexpectedly resigned for health reasons, and current dictator Than Shwe succeeded him as head of state, secretary of defence and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, and has subsequently spent 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest.
In 2007, following the junta's decision to remove fuel subsidies, causing the price of fuel to double overnight, demonstrations took place. After an initial crackdown, marches continued under the leadership of thousands of Buddhist monks. Thousands were arrested, and 14 of the leaders were sentenced to 65 years in the infamous British-built Insein prison.
Buddhist monks have been a rallying point for opposition since the early 20th century, when riots broke out over the issue of the British colonists refusing the remove their shoes in the temples.
Beyond the 2007 uprising
Ethnic violence continues in the country, with the Karen people of southeastern Burma particularly prominent in their insurgency. There has also been protracted conflict between the junta and the Han Chinese, Va and Kachin people in the north.
The devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008 in the Irrawaddy rice-farming region was severe, with around 200,000 people estimated to have died. However, the isolationist stance of the junta and the endemic corruption in major industries and local government prevented either domestic or foreign aid having much of an impact. United Nations planes bringing food aid and medical supplies were delayed by the junta.
In 2009, an American named John Yettaw swam across Lake Inya to reach Aung San Suu Kyi's residence for the second time (he first visited in May 2008), and was arrested and deported for breaching the terms of her house arrest. As a result, she was given a further 18 months' confinement, meaning that she can take no part in elections held in 2010.
Under the new constitution ratified by referendum amid the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the new democratically-elected assembly will reserve a quarter of its seats for the military. Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has said that it will boycott the elections because of laws that prevent their leader from participating.
http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=657
Wednesday 23 June 2010
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma’s democratically elected legitimate leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be 65 on 19 June 2010, yet spending another birthday under house arrest.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi compassionately urged the people of free world to use your liberty to promote Burma’s freedom. She said that
“So for the sake of peace in our country, for the sake of the progress and human development of our people, and for the sake of peace and harmony in our region and in our world, we would like to urge the peoples of the free world to work harder towards bringing true democratic progress everywhere. We would like to see action, rather than words. There have been many words supporting democracy, and we are duly grateful for them, because we do not underestimate the power of words. But words need to be backed up by action -- by action that is united and that is focused on essentials. Only by such action will we be able to realize our democratic aspirations”.
Myo Thein, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“It is easy to say-- Happy Birthday. But, if we truly wish Daw Aung San Suu Kyi happy we must work implementing how she wishes to see Burma—a nation where justice prevails. Then it will be the meaningful birthday wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”.
Junta claimed that it will hand over power after 1990 elections but when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party, NLD, won landslide victory they ignore to transfer power. In order to nullify 1990 election result, junta planned to hold sham election in 2010 which is designed to legitimize military rule in Burma.
“If this country is to achieve genuine democracy, the result of the elections of 1990 must be recognized. It will be to the detriment of our country if after an election has been held the results are not honoured and we do not resist attempts to trivialise it”. (Daw Aung San Suu Kyi)
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led National League for Democracy (NLD) boycott junta planned sham election in this year due to its unfair electoral laws.
Khin Maung Win, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“I would like to echo what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said “People got the rights not to vote at the election. Let’s practise our rights—rights not to vote, at the junta planned sham election later this year. In this way we can give the best birthday present to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not only the icon of the Burmese people's struggle for freedom but also the symbol of non-violent movement in the world at large.
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, the Patron of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“I would like to remind people around the world that crisis in Burma is crisis in your own country. Even though you don’t practically see what is happening in Burma at your eye-sight but do not forget that instability could spread very easily in this day and age. Please do not forget that standing up for justice in Burma is tantamount to standing up for the justice in the world”.“Imagine that if US military generals refuse to let Obama stay in power— what US citizens will do. Imagine that if Gordon Brown refuses to resign as the PM— what UK citizens will do”, added Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be the head of the government of Burma as the leader of the winning party according to the results of the 1990 general election but sadly military regime put her under house arrest and intensified crack down on her supporters.
Junta’s planned 2010 election is designed to legitimised military rule in Burma. In Burma, there is no rule of law and junta is always above the law. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was elected by the citizens of Burma in the 1990 General Election. Ironically that election was conducted by the same generals who suppress Burma today.
U Tint Swe Thiha, the Patron of Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“Junta is planning to hold fake election in 2010 with sham constitution which legitimise military rule in Burma. I would like to assure here that there will be no genuine democratic change coming out from 2010 election since the election results are premeditated already by junta, which will be General Than Shwe transferring power to General Than Shwe. The suffering of Burmese people will prolong so long as military regime is in power either in booted or suited”.
Burmese people want the international community to endorse Aung San Suu Kyi led democratically elected leaders according to the 1990 election as the legitimate government of Burma if the one should be formed, which is effectively by-passing the China and/or Russia at the UNSC. If the world leaders unanimously focused working on this essential—then we will be able to realise democratic aspiration in Burma and it will be the best birthday present ever for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
For more information please contact
Myo Thein [United Kingdom]
Phone: 00-44-208-493-9137, 00-44-787- 788-2386
Khin Maung Win [United States]
Phone: 001-941-961-2622
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar [United States]
Phone: 001 509 586 8309
U Tint Swe Thiha [United States]
Phone: 001-509-582-3261, 001-509-591-8459
Source: http://www.bdcburma.org/Statements.asp?Id=89
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi compassionately urged the people of free world to use your liberty to promote Burma’s freedom. She said that
“So for the sake of peace in our country, for the sake of the progress and human development of our people, and for the sake of peace and harmony in our region and in our world, we would like to urge the peoples of the free world to work harder towards bringing true democratic progress everywhere. We would like to see action, rather than words. There have been many words supporting democracy, and we are duly grateful for them, because we do not underestimate the power of words. But words need to be backed up by action -- by action that is united and that is focused on essentials. Only by such action will we be able to realize our democratic aspirations”.
Myo Thein, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“It is easy to say-- Happy Birthday. But, if we truly wish Daw Aung San Suu Kyi happy we must work implementing how she wishes to see Burma—a nation where justice prevails. Then it will be the meaningful birthday wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”.
Junta claimed that it will hand over power after 1990 elections but when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party, NLD, won landslide victory they ignore to transfer power. In order to nullify 1990 election result, junta planned to hold sham election in 2010 which is designed to legitimize military rule in Burma.
“If this country is to achieve genuine democracy, the result of the elections of 1990 must be recognized. It will be to the detriment of our country if after an election has been held the results are not honoured and we do not resist attempts to trivialise it”. (Daw Aung San Suu Kyi)
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led National League for Democracy (NLD) boycott junta planned sham election in this year due to its unfair electoral laws.
Khin Maung Win, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“I would like to echo what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said “People got the rights not to vote at the election. Let’s practise our rights—rights not to vote, at the junta planned sham election later this year. In this way we can give the best birthday present to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not only the icon of the Burmese people's struggle for freedom but also the symbol of non-violent movement in the world at large.
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, the Patron of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“I would like to remind people around the world that crisis in Burma is crisis in your own country. Even though you don’t practically see what is happening in Burma at your eye-sight but do not forget that instability could spread very easily in this day and age. Please do not forget that standing up for justice in Burma is tantamount to standing up for the justice in the world”.“Imagine that if US military generals refuse to let Obama stay in power— what US citizens will do. Imagine that if Gordon Brown refuses to resign as the PM— what UK citizens will do”, added Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be the head of the government of Burma as the leader of the winning party according to the results of the 1990 general election but sadly military regime put her under house arrest and intensified crack down on her supporters.
Junta’s planned 2010 election is designed to legitimised military rule in Burma. In Burma, there is no rule of law and junta is always above the law. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was elected by the citizens of Burma in the 1990 General Election. Ironically that election was conducted by the same generals who suppress Burma today.
U Tint Swe Thiha, the Patron of Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“Junta is planning to hold fake election in 2010 with sham constitution which legitimise military rule in Burma. I would like to assure here that there will be no genuine democratic change coming out from 2010 election since the election results are premeditated already by junta, which will be General Than Shwe transferring power to General Than Shwe. The suffering of Burmese people will prolong so long as military regime is in power either in booted or suited”.
Burmese people want the international community to endorse Aung San Suu Kyi led democratically elected leaders according to the 1990 election as the legitimate government of Burma if the one should be formed, which is effectively by-passing the China and/or Russia at the UNSC. If the world leaders unanimously focused working on this essential—then we will be able to realise democratic aspiration in Burma and it will be the best birthday present ever for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
For more information please contact
Myo Thein [United Kingdom]
Phone: 00-44-208-493-9137, 00-44-787- 788-2386
Khin Maung Win [United States]
Phone: 001-941-961-2622
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar [United States]
Phone: 001 509 586 8309
U Tint Swe Thiha [United States]
Phone: 001-509-582-3261, 001-509-591-8459
Source: http://www.bdcburma.org/Statements.asp?Id=89
Friday 18 June 2010
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
18 June 2010
Burma’s democratically elected legitimate leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be 65 on 19 June 2010, yet spending another birthday under house arrest.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi compassionately urged the people of free world to use your liberty to promote Burma’s freedom. She said that
“So for the sake of peace in our country, for the sake of the progress and human development of our people, and for the sake of peace and harmony in our region and in our world, we would like to urge the peoples of the free world to work harder towards bringing true democratic progress everywhere. We would like to see action, rather than words. There have been many words supporting democracy, and we are duly grateful for them, because we do not underestimate the power of words. But words need to be backed up by action -- by action that is united and that is focused on essentials. Only by such action will we be able to realize our democratic aspirations”
.
Myo Thein, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“It is easy to say-- Happy Birthday. But, if we truly wish Daw Aung San Suu Kyi happy we must work implementing how she wishes to see Burma—a nation where justice prevails. Then it will be the meaningful birthday wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”.
Junta claimed that it will hand over power after 1990 elections but when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party, NLD, won landslide victory they ignore to transfer power. In order to nullify 1990 election result, junta planned to hold sham election in 2010 which is designed to legitimize military rule in Burma.
“If this country is to achieve genuine democracy, the result of the elections of 1990 must be recognized. It will be to the detriment of our country if after an election has been held the results are not honoured and we do not resist attempts to trivialise it”. (Daw Aung San Suu Kyi)
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led National League for Democracy (NLD) boycott junta planned sham election in this year due to its unfair electoral laws.
Khin Maung Win, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“I would like to echo what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said “People got the rights not to vote at the election. Let’s practise our rights—rights not to vote, at the junta planned sham election later this year. In this way we can give the best birthday present to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not only the icon of the Burmese people's struggle for freedom but also the symbol of non-violent movement in the world at large.
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, the Patron of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“I would like to remind people around the world that crisis in Burma is crisis in your own country. Even though you don’t practically see what is happening in Burma at your eye-sight but do not forget that instability could spread very easily in this day and age. Please do not forget that standing up for justice in Burma is tantamount to standing up for the justice in the world”.“Imagine that if US military generals refuse to let Obama stay in power— what US citizens will do. Imagine that if Gordon Brown refuses to resign as the PM— what UK citizens will do”, added Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be the head of the government of Burma as the leader of the winning party according to the results of the 1990 general election but sadly military regime put her under house arrest and intensified crack down on her supporters.
Junta’s planned 2010 election is designed to legitimised military rule in Burma. In Burma, there is no rule of law and junta is always above the law. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was elected by the citizens of Burma in the 1990 General Election. Ironically that election was conducted by the same generals who suppress Burma today.
U Tint Swe Thiha, the Patron of Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“Junta is planning to hold fake election in 2010 with sham constitution which legitimise military rule in Burma. I would like to assure here that there will be no genuine democratic change coming out from 2010 election since the election results are premeditated already by junta, which will be General Than Shwe transferring power to General Than Shwe. The suffering of Burmese people will prolong so long as military regime is in power either in booted or suited”.
Burmese people want the international community to endorse Aung San Suu Kyi led democratically elected leaders according to the 1990 election as the legitimate government of Burma if the one should be formed, which is effectively by-passing the China and/or Russia at the UNSC. If the world leaders unanimously focused working on this essential—then we will be able to realise democratic aspiration in Burma and it will be the best birthday present ever for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
For more information please contact
Myo Thein [United Kingdom]
Phone: 00-44-208-493-9137, 00-44-787- 788-2386
Khin Maung Win [United States]
Phone: 001-941-961-2622
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar [United States]
Phone: 001 509 586 8309
U Tint Swe Thiha [United States]
Phone: 001-509-582-3261, 001-509-591-8459
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
18 June 2010
Burma’s democratically elected legitimate leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be 65 on 19 June 2010, yet spending another birthday under house arrest.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi compassionately urged the people of free world to use your liberty to promote Burma’s freedom. She said that
“So for the sake of peace in our country, for the sake of the progress and human development of our people, and for the sake of peace and harmony in our region and in our world, we would like to urge the peoples of the free world to work harder towards bringing true democratic progress everywhere. We would like to see action, rather than words. There have been many words supporting democracy, and we are duly grateful for them, because we do not underestimate the power of words. But words need to be backed up by action -- by action that is united and that is focused on essentials. Only by such action will we be able to realize our democratic aspirations”
.
Myo Thein, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“It is easy to say-- Happy Birthday. But, if we truly wish Daw Aung San Suu Kyi happy we must work implementing how she wishes to see Burma—a nation where justice prevails. Then it will be the meaningful birthday wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”.
Junta claimed that it will hand over power after 1990 elections but when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party, NLD, won landslide victory they ignore to transfer power. In order to nullify 1990 election result, junta planned to hold sham election in 2010 which is designed to legitimize military rule in Burma.
“If this country is to achieve genuine democracy, the result of the elections of 1990 must be recognized. It will be to the detriment of our country if after an election has been held the results are not honoured and we do not resist attempts to trivialise it”. (Daw Aung San Suu Kyi)
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led National League for Democracy (NLD) boycott junta planned sham election in this year due to its unfair electoral laws.
Khin Maung Win, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“I would like to echo what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said “People got the rights not to vote at the election. Let’s practise our rights—rights not to vote, at the junta planned sham election later this year. In this way we can give the best birthday present to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not only the icon of the Burmese people's struggle for freedom but also the symbol of non-violent movement in the world at large.
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, the Patron of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“I would like to remind people around the world that crisis in Burma is crisis in your own country. Even though you don’t practically see what is happening in Burma at your eye-sight but do not forget that instability could spread very easily in this day and age. Please do not forget that standing up for justice in Burma is tantamount to standing up for the justice in the world”.“Imagine that if US military generals refuse to let Obama stay in power— what US citizens will do. Imagine that if Gordon Brown refuses to resign as the PM— what UK citizens will do”, added Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be the head of the government of Burma as the leader of the winning party according to the results of the 1990 general election but sadly military regime put her under house arrest and intensified crack down on her supporters.
Junta’s planned 2010 election is designed to legitimised military rule in Burma. In Burma, there is no rule of law and junta is always above the law. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was elected by the citizens of Burma in the 1990 General Election. Ironically that election was conducted by the same generals who suppress Burma today.
U Tint Swe Thiha, the Patron of Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“Junta is planning to hold fake election in 2010 with sham constitution which legitimise military rule in Burma. I would like to assure here that there will be no genuine democratic change coming out from 2010 election since the election results are premeditated already by junta, which will be General Than Shwe transferring power to General Than Shwe. The suffering of Burmese people will prolong so long as military regime is in power either in booted or suited”.
Burmese people want the international community to endorse Aung San Suu Kyi led democratically elected leaders according to the 1990 election as the legitimate government of Burma if the one should be formed, which is effectively by-passing the China and/or Russia at the UNSC. If the world leaders unanimously focused working on this essential—then we will be able to realise democratic aspiration in Burma and it will be the best birthday present ever for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
For more information please contact
Myo Thein [United Kingdom]
Phone: 00-44-208-493-9137, 00-44-787- 788-2386
Khin Maung Win [United States]
Phone: 001-941-961-2622
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar [United States]
Phone: 001 509 586 8309
U Tint Swe Thiha [United States]
Phone: 001-509-582-3261, 001-509-591-8459
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
18 June 2010
Burma’s democratically elected legitimate leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be 65 on 19 June 2010, yet spending another birthday under house arrest.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi compassionately urged the people of free world to use your liberty to promote Burma’s freedom. She said that
“So for the sake of peace in our country, for the sake of the progress and human development of our people, and for the sake of peace and harmony in our region and in our world, we would like to urge the peoples of the free world to work harder towards bringing true democratic progress everywhere. We would like to see action, rather than words. There have been many words supporting democracy, and we are duly grateful for them, because we do not underestimate the power of words. But words need to be backed up by action -- by action that is united and that is focused on essentials. Only by such action will we be able to realize our democratic aspirations”
.
Myo Thein, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“It is easy to say-- Happy Birthday. But, if we truly wish Daw Aung San Suu Kyi happy we must work implementing how she wishes to see Burma—a nation where justice prevails. Then it will be the meaningful birthday wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”.
Junta claimed that it will hand over power after 1990 elections but when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party, NLD, won landslide victory they ignore to transfer power. In order to nullify 1990 election result, junta planned to hold sham election in 2010 which is designed to legitimize military rule in Burma.
“If this country is to achieve genuine democracy, the result of the elections of 1990 must be recognized. It will be to the detriment of our country if after an election has been held the results are not honoured and we do not resist attempts to trivialise it”. (Daw Aung San Suu Kyi)
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led National League for Democracy (NLD) boycott junta planned sham election in this year due to its unfair electoral laws.
Khin Maung Win, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“I would like to echo what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said “People got the rights not to vote at the election. Let’s practise our rights—rights not to vote, at the junta planned sham election later this year. In this way we can give the best birthday present to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not only the icon of the Burmese people's struggle for freedom but also the symbol of non-violent movement in the world at large.
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, the Patron of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“I would like to remind people around the world that crisis in Burma is crisis in your own country. Even though you don’t practically see what is happening in Burma at your eye-sight but do not forget that instability could spread very easily in this day and age. Please do not forget that standing up for justice in Burma is tantamount to standing up for the justice in the world”.“Imagine that if US military generals refuse to let Obama stay in power— what US citizens will do. Imagine that if Gordon Brown refuses to resign as the PM— what UK citizens will do”, added Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be the head of the government of Burma as the leader of the winning party according to the results of the 1990 general election but sadly military regime put her under house arrest and intensified crack down on her supporters.
Junta’s planned 2010 election is designed to legitimised military rule in Burma. In Burma, there is no rule of law and junta is always above the law. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was elected by the citizens of Burma in the 1990 General Election. Ironically that election was conducted by the same generals who suppress Burma today.
U Tint Swe Thiha, the Patron of Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“Junta is planning to hold fake election in 2010 with sham constitution which legitimise military rule in Burma. I would like to assure here that there will be no genuine democratic change coming out from 2010 election since the election results are premeditated already by junta, which will be General Than Shwe transferring power to General Than Shwe. The suffering of Burmese people will prolong so long as military regime is in power either in booted or suited”.
Burmese people want the international community to endorse Aung San Suu Kyi led democratically elected leaders according to the 1990 election as the legitimate government of Burma if the one should be formed, which is effectively by-passing the China and/or Russia at the UNSC. If the world leaders unanimously focused working on this essential—then we will be able to realise democratic aspiration in Burma and it will be the best birthday present ever for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
For more information please contact
Myo Thein [United Kingdom]
Phone: 00-44-208-493-9137, 00-44-787- 788-2386
Khin Maung Win [United States]
Phone: 001-941-961-2622
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar [United States]
Phone: 001 509 586 8309
U Tint Swe Thiha [United States]
Phone: 001-509-582-3261, 001-509-591-8459
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): Meaningful Birthday Wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
18 June 2010
Burma’s democratically elected legitimate leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be 65 on 19 June 2010, yet spending another birthday under house arrest.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi compassionately urged the people of free world to use your liberty to promote Burma’s freedom. She said that
“So for the sake of peace in our country, for the sake of the progress and human development of our people, and for the sake of peace and harmony in our region and in our world, we would like to urge the peoples of the free world to work harder towards bringing true democratic progress everywhere. We would like to see action, rather than words. There have been many words supporting democracy, and we are duly grateful for them, because we do not underestimate the power of words. But words need to be backed up by action -- by action that is united and that is focused on essentials. Only by such action will we be able to realize our democratic aspirations”
.
Myo Thein, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“It is easy to say-- Happy Birthday. But, if we truly wish Daw Aung San Suu Kyi happy we must work implementing how she wishes to see Burma—a nation where justice prevails. Then it will be the meaningful birthday wish for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”.
Junta claimed that it will hand over power after 1990 elections but when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party, NLD, won landslide victory they ignore to transfer power. In order to nullify 1990 election result, junta planned to hold sham election in 2010 which is designed to legitimize military rule in Burma.
“If this country is to achieve genuine democracy, the result of the elections of 1990 must be recognized. It will be to the detriment of our country if after an election has been held the results are not honoured and we do not resist attempts to trivialise it”. (Daw Aung San Suu Kyi)
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led National League for Democracy (NLD) boycott junta planned sham election in this year due to its unfair electoral laws.
Khin Maung Win, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“I would like to echo what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said “People got the rights not to vote at the election. Let’s practise our rights—rights not to vote, at the junta planned sham election later this year. In this way we can give the best birthday present to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not only the icon of the Burmese people's struggle for freedom but also the symbol of non-violent movement in the world at large.
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, the Patron of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“I would like to remind people around the world that crisis in Burma is crisis in your own country. Even though you don’t practically see what is happening in Burma at your eye-sight but do not forget that instability could spread very easily in this day and age. Please do not forget that standing up for justice in Burma is tantamount to standing up for the justice in the world”.“Imagine that if US military generals refuse to let Obama stay in power— what US citizens will do. Imagine that if Gordon Brown refuses to resign as the PM— what UK citizens will do”, added Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be the head of the government of Burma as the leader of the winning party according to the results of the 1990 general election but sadly military regime put her under house arrest and intensified crack down on her supporters.
Junta’s planned 2010 election is designed to legitimised military rule in Burma. In Burma, there is no rule of law and junta is always above the law. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was elected by the citizens of Burma in the 1990 General Election. Ironically that election was conducted by the same generals who suppress Burma today.
U Tint Swe Thiha, the Patron of Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that
“Junta is planning to hold fake election in 2010 with sham constitution which legitimise military rule in Burma. I would like to assure here that there will be no genuine democratic change coming out from 2010 election since the election results are premeditated already by junta, which will be General Than Shwe transferring power to General Than Shwe. The suffering of Burmese people will prolong so long as military regime is in power either in booted or suited”.
Burmese people want the international community to endorse Aung San Suu Kyi led democratically elected leaders according to the 1990 election as the legitimate government of Burma if the one should be formed, which is effectively by-passing the China and/or Russia at the UNSC. If the world leaders unanimously focused working on this essential—then we will be able to realise democratic aspiration in Burma and it will be the best birthday present ever for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
For more information please contact
Myo Thein [United Kingdom]
Phone: 00-44-208-493-9137, 00-44-787- 788-2386
Khin Maung Win [United States]
Phone: 001-941-961-2622
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar [United States]
Phone: 001 509 586 8309
U Tint Swe Thiha [United States]
Phone: 001-509-582-3261, 001-509-591-8459
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